Globalism is like an Egyptian pyramid; for the powers of concentrated wealth at the top to elevate themselves, for those of the middle class to reach higher in the sky, the base of masses of the poor at the bottom must be broadened.
My last volume of essays in the Waveform Politics Series (volume ten), which is itself a synoptic personal view of contemporary history and current events, should at least note some of the rapid changes in the Arab world in February 2011. The Mubarak government has vacated for a ‘temporary’ military power and several other regional governments are undergoing public pressure to vacate. In Alaska we are interested in these changes because of the alterations in the going price of oil that funds state government.
Of course all human events upon a finite world with a large population have the potential to affect everyone else. Reports of crimes against humanity by defenders of the embattled Kaddafi regime in Libya make us aware of the volatility of human nature, and perhaps of two fundamental divisions of humanity into those whom are oppressors and those who are not.
Oil is going for $95 a barrel in the U.S. and $108 dollars in London today. In Alaska Governor Sean Parnell is trying to lower the already lowest in the world state tax on oil production from public land in order to ‘create jobs’ with new oil development. Reason would indicate that the state could create far more jobs, and for people outside the exclusive oil industry, if the present tax rate remained in place and money were put into a revitalized Alaska Small Business Grant and Loan foundation.
The natural resources of the state of Alaska like those of the world are under assault by global powers of economic conquest. It was said that all people are in debt to the thief. The concentrated wealth networking phenomena depleting U.S. national sovereignty is a complex process aggregating financial power offshore. A mincing broadcast media insinuates non-rational politics upon the national political discourse, as it rightly should being owned pervasively by wealthy global interests. One must sort through an interstellar dust cloud of debris to discover the concentrations of political gravity forming new political structures within revolutionary states.
Political volatility in the age of mass personal communication and traditional broadcast propagandization of the masses has accelerated the pace of political change. What has not accelerated is the pace of economic production. The redistribution of existing wealth was always a fallacious idea, since the values associated with wealth are in part relativistic social attributions; what value is a diamond for itself besides use in rarified industrial processes? Food production, land redistribution; innumerable traditional political ideas that served as a rationale for revolution themselves are subducted within the engines of mass economic processes. Assuredly the internationalization of economics has placed a global usury class such as Britain presents and the U.S.A. aspires too within a compartmentalized and alienating global economic phenomenality. That non-locality of economic control makes real economic revolution improbably difficult both intellectually and actually. Revolutionaries in the modern era even experience difficulties in being free to form a national self-consciousness adequate to pursue their own national, public self-interest.
We find Wisconsin Governor Walker’s leadership in trying to end the right of government public employees to form unions for collective bargaining and inevitable effort to enable challenged state government to free themselves from minority or even mob rule. Public employee compensation should be set by legislators (democrats could award bonuses when in the majority), and public government should be free to be entirely flexible in order to be able to adapt to changing social and economic currents. At some junctures the inflexibility of unelected collectives making economic demands upon state governments could undermine of the ability of state governments to exist.
The federal government of the United States has so far generally kept out of the Arab revolutionary fray. President Obama did offer support for the ousting of Mubarak at least nominally, however he has had to become more of a concerned observer for the balance of the ongoing process of social liberation from rule of royals and autocrats in the Middle East. It is a difficult circumstance to predict outcomes for. In fact one may even be reminded of Biblical prophecy from the book of the Revelation a little in the dangers Israel feels as being isolated in a social sea of surrounding change. Just a couple of days ago an Iranian warship passed through the Suez Canal for the first time in thirty years. In the future such warships could deliver nuclear cruise missiles to Tel Aviv or Paris.
Thus the better policy of the United States might be to just develop alternate fuels to oil to power automobiles or mass transit systems. The Obama administration hasn’t a capacity to enact other than Larry Summer’s somewhat wealth oriented fly by wire globalism started by Bush I and continued by Bill Clinton. It suggests small scale fast trains, yet hasn’t any sort of bold 1000 m.p.h. fast trans-continental concepts for mass transit on the ground. The administration believes lots of small female hands can be employed in assembling new high tech electronic components possibly while it simultaneously allows millions of illegal male aliens to enter to join the workforce undermining large male size hands that are a little clumsier for some smaller tasks. One wonders if the President ever had a real job where manual labor was required.
If the U.S. Government fails to do it’s homework on moving rapidly away from fossil fuels for transportation power on the roads a revolution in Saudi Arabia and possible further destruction of oil infrastructure may well reduce the economic efficiency of the U.S.A. suddenly and without immediate remedy. The federal government has consistently failed to heed reasonable economic catastrophic trasnition scenarios many reasonable people foresee as susbtantial possibilities.
In the Balkan wars of the 1990’s a continuation of unconcluded medieval conflicts presented ‘difficult’ choices to the Bush I and Clinton administrations. In retrospect we may have learned that the horrors of war and ethnic cleansing Europeans and Americans were upset with was a cultural methodology with an inertial logic.
Even before Serbians invaded the regions of the Balkans held by ethnic Greeks thousands of years ago, the tradition of mountain brigands plundering the peoples of the lowland plains existed. In the exceedingly mountainous Balkans there were comparatively few and often isolated lowlands that presented difficulty in defending from mountain people or governments. Governments in kingdom powers were numerous, proprietary and at war upon one another, various people, invading powers and vulnerable, independent peoples. Especially during the five hundred years of Ottoman Empire occupation in the Balkans hill country brigands-land pirates-developed a culture of asserting independence of their own. Rather than having a national allegiance the land pirates loyal to themselves lived in a mountain world in a manner equivalent to today’s global corporate and financial leaders plundering the ‘lay people’ in the various underdeveloped nations. So we may wonder how the sorting out of new democratic developments in the middle east, and how a U.S.A. anachronistically reliant upon global oil supplies for economic well being, will react to the changes?
In recent years, a policy of belligerence and mono-mania as driven American foreign policy, yet the irrationality of American globalism is evident in the accumulation of public debt. Kyle Bush and the twenty year old Bain may be contemporaneous NASCAR drivers embodying the high point of Republican party political aspirations and logic, yet the interest of the United States in being and independent nation leading by example in low-entropy, full employment economics requires a scientific and moral rationale quite absent in the public sector. In reacting to revolution in the Middle East we must observe from a distance (an anachronism I know) and allow the neo-democratization to burn out the cancer of aristocratic oppression so far as it may. There may be several post-revolutionary victory transformations as unpredictable as Present Bush II’s incomprehension of what post 2003 War Iraq would be like. What the United States can do is to reinforce Israel militarily, and produce fuel cell, wind and electric power in Alaska and the rest of the nation along with development of super-conducting power lines and energy storage grids to make a variety of low environmental cost, locally produced transportation modalities a reality.
Social and economic irredentism in the Middle East is challenged by a global irredentism of collectivity in social organizations of corporatism, social and political networks. Megalomania is a kind of social norm in business today, politics and nationalism is a delimiting encumbrance to world share market controllers. Within the matrix of media and economic tangled banks exists a void-a singularity of environmental and spiritual non-thought that must be overcome. Into that void a light of faith in democracy and national self-determination must arise. Political theory understanding and development must advance beyond the traditional forms and hybrids while political rhetoric too must give up its slogans and packaged scenarios to recognize the world as a finite place that must support all human development as a low-entropy, independent and individual right driven place.